ASSESSMENTIndia's Principled Position: Framework of a solution
From the very beginning, the Government of India made it abundantly clear that its
efforts were at narrowing the differences between the two sides and at assisting them in
reaching a solution which was within the framework of the unity and territorial integrity
of Sri Lanka. It was recognized that the Tamils had legitimate demands and grievances and
had faced discrimination for over 30 years. It was considered necessary and also possible
to meet their legitimate aspirations through constitutional and structural changes. The
problem of ethnic minorities has been faced by other countries such as Canada Belgium, UK,
Switzerland, not to speak of India itself Different countries have found different
solutions arising from their unique characteristics and based on the genius of their
people. It was felt that Sri Lanka too should and could find a model of provincial
autonomy. It was clear that any lasting settlement will have to be acceptable to all sides
and would involve compromises.
Indian leaders at the highest level have reiterated
India's commitment and support to a solution which meets Tamil demands and aspirations
within the framework of Sri Lankan unity and territorial integrity. Speaking in the Indian
Parliament on August 12, 1983, Smt. Gandhi had said "I took the opportunity to
reassure Mr. Jayewardene (H.W. Jayewardene) that India stands for the independence, unity
and integrity of Sri Lanka. India does not interfere in the internal affairs of other
countries. However, because of the historical, cultural and such other close ties between
the peoples of the two countries, particularly between the Tamil community of Sri Lanka
and us, India cannot remain, unaffected by such events there". On 6April,
1984speakingin the Indian Parliament, the then External Affairs Minister, Shri P.V.
Narasimha Rao said 'It is not merely a policy for Sri Lanka. We stand for peaceful
settlements of disputes wherever and whenever they arise in whatever manner. These are
some of the parameters of our policy. We do not want any secession. We are against
secessionist trends in any country. So, these are the parameters subject to which our
policy is made and pursued and, therefore, there is no question of my having compromise on
this.'
In 1985 speaking in the Parliament on 3rd May Prime
Minister Rajiv Gandhi said "Our concern is for the Tamils in Sri Lanka. The concern
is not only of people in the South but it is the concern of everyone in India. We have to
see that the refugees go back, go back in honour, go back in safety, go back with the
security of expecting and getting full freedom to express themselves, to work, to live
within the integrity of Sri Lanka. We have made our position clear many times on
this". Within this framework India has consistently supported the Tamil demands and
has deplored firmly and unequivocally the injustice done to them. The civilian death and
destruction caused by violence, the atrocities against the Tamils, and the resort to a
military option caused deep anguish and distress in India. These have been severely
condemned and the solidarity with the victims of State oppression, expressed both in word
and deed. India has also continued to shelter and provide basic amenities to over 1,30,000
Tamil refugees.
Double track policy of Sri Lanka Government
The lack of firm political commitment, the vacillation, at times withdrawal from the
accepted position and the two-track policy of undertaking military operations even while
professing faith in negotiations, on the part of Sri Lanka's Government have contributed
greatly to the failures in the mediation efforts. With a history of betrayals in the past
there is a deep-seated distrust of Sinhala politicians among the Tamil people. They,
therefore, are disinclined to accept that the Sri Lanka Government is committed to a fair
and long4asting political settlement. Sri Lanka's Government has compounded their distrust
and alienation by resorting to military measures at crucial phases of negotiations (in
mid-August 1985 after the Thimpu talks, in early 1986 and in January 1987 after December
19th proposals). The massive military onslaught mounted from the last week of May 1987
with indiscriminate shelling, strafing and bombing from the sea, the air and army
operations on land in the entire Jaffna peninsula resulting in loss of life and limb,
damages to property and untold sufferings to the civilian population, has perhaps taken
the situation to a point of no return and complete alienation of the Tamil population. It
is already late, but it may not yet be too late to halt the military onslaught on the
helpless civilian population of Jaffna peninsula and create conditions conducive to a
return to the negotiating table. Going by past experience it may be a little too much to
expect from the leadership of the Sri Lankan Government. But the time, the events, and the
situation call for statesmanship and not partisan policies. One only hopes that the Sri
Lankan Government realizes this. It is now or never. A population, even if it is an ethnic
minority, can be subdued only for the time being but not subjugated forever.