An iceberg, only the tip of which has been seen so far, is beginning to surface – in the Indian Ocean island of Sri Lanka.

The world, which has been only marginally aware of the terrible human rights record of this island country, is beginning to see more. Being the country with the second largest number of disappearances in the world, many have been aware that things are not quite right there. By clever manipulation of news, ably assisted by high-priced PR firms, however, Sri Lanka has managed to keep matters under wraps. The fact that three quarters of the population comprising one ethnic group willingly assists the state in an oppressive (genocidal) war against the ‘other’ has been helpful. The government, which has been responsible for 98 percent of the killings, has thus far managed to portray itself as the ‘victim’, and the ‘real victims’ as the ‘villains’.

The majority of disappearances in Sri Lanka occurred in short spurts, at specific times and in the different parts of the country. Many of these occurrences are marked by one common feature and that is the presence of Mr. Janaka Perera in these arenas.

In the mid eighties, Gen. Perera worked in the eastern province helping create a wedge to break-up the contiguity of Thamileelam. The whole area was ethnically cleansed of Tamil people. Tamil villages were evacuated, hundreds murdered and others driven out of fear, to make way for Sinhala settlements. A Tamil village (Munkindimalai) was renamed Janakapura (Janaka Town) as a reward.

In 1988-89, Perera was reassigned to the south to fight the Sinhala JVP insurrection. Under his direction the JVP leader Rohana Wijeweera was arrested and murdered (in custody), in November 1989. An estimated 60,000 Sinhala youths were also murdered during this time.

In 1990, in recognition of his ‘success’ against the JVP, an independent brigade comprising a Commando and Special Forces (CSF) of the Sri Lankan army was created under his sole command and sent to the east. In June 1993 he was made the General Officer Commanding (GOC) of another outfit titled Reserve Strike Force (RSF)². In 1995, he was appointed the Welioya Brigade Commander. Large-scale killings took place in the Manal Aru (Weli Oya) during this period.

The Disappearances Commission appointed on 13 November 1994 by the newly elected President Kumaratunge (report published September 1997) created difficulties for Gen. Perera. The Disappearances Commission Report is said to have named him as one of 200 officers⁴ (names unpublished⁵ - see Chapter 7 of the Report) responsible for the large-scale killings during the JVP insurrection in 1988/99 period. He escaped dismissal on the intervention of Minister Anurudda Ratwatte (president Chandrika’s uncle).

President Kumaratunga’s decision to resume the war against the LTTE in October 1995 propelled Perera back into a position of power. He was appointed commander of the elite 53^rd Division of the Sri Lankan army and played a key role in ‘Operation Riviresa’. He was chiefly credited (and decorated) for the capture of Jaffna city (December 1995), Thenmarachchi (April 1996) and Vadamarachchi  (May 1996). He was promoted to the rank of Major General on 15 April 1996.

It was during this period that the Chemmani mass grave came into being, along with several smaller mass graves. Over a thousand Tamils arrested by the army disappeared (Amnesty said six hundred and the US State Department said seven hundred), in the area under Janaka Perera’s command. Despite widespread rumors, this could not be verified because of the media ban on visiting the war zones. Then in July 1998, an army corporal convicted of rape and murder confessed, in a courtroom, to large-scale burials in Chemmani. Over a fourteen month period following this, the area was completely sealed off, and the evidence destroyed.

Instead of punishment he was rewarded with further promotions. In April 2000 he was appointed the Overall Operations Commander of the north (OOC), and in June 2000 he was made the Chief of Staff of the Sri Lankan army.

Things started to sour when the cult like admiration for Perera began to have political dimensions, reminiscent of an earlier general, Denzil Kobbekaduwa, whose popularity overshadowed that of the then president and who was subsequently murdered. Retried General Balagalle’s appointment as the Joint Chief-of-Staff in August 2000, over Janaka Perera who was next in line for the job, led to public acrimony with open accusations of corruption. It is in this backdrop that he retired and was appointed ambassador to Australia.