It is a prolonged war by successive Governments against the Tamils.

1.1  Why is the War getting prolonged for such a long time?
The war is getting prolonged because the majority Sinhalese and their government have neither a correct understanding of the nature of the conflict nor the required attitude and goodwill to solve it with justice and peace nor the humility to invite help of the international community.

A war that goes on for such a long time shows two things clearly: The arrogance of the majority Sinhalese and its Government to persist with a military solution for the ethnic problem and in refusing to find a political solution for the problem. And on the other side, it shows the determination of the Tamil people and their unshakeable confidence that their cause is right and just. The untold suffering, death, destruction, displacement and humiliation during the last two decades of war to resist the mighty power of the majority Sinhalese and its forces with the supreme sacrifice of so many lives have pushed the Tamils to the clear conclusion not to expect justice from the majority Sinhalese. The Tamils have been so much and so often deceived by the Sinhala governments in the past and they will not easily give into any further deceptions.

1.2 It is a War against the Tamil people.
Though the war is always claimed by the Sinhalese Governments as a war against the LTTE, it is crystal clear to all Tamils, especially to those still surviving in the Northeast of the country, that it is directed against the Tamil people to subjugate them. From the way the Tamil problem had been handled during the last 50 years, from the way the democratic and non-violent protests of Tamils were inhumanly suppressed by death and destruction for over thirty years, from the way that the war had been conducted by a 100% Sinhalese army and escalated for the last fifteen years, not only by bombing and shelling innocent Tamil civilians, their churches and temples, schools and hospitals and above all for the last ten years how food and medicine are used as weapons of war, how Tamils are hunted for even in the south of the country, can anyone in his or her senses say that this war is directed only against the Tamil militants- the Tigers and not against the Tamil people.

Let anything happen in the west or south or even deep south and the only immediate suspect is Tamil. During the last few years the Sinhalese seemed to have become all angels, it is only the Tamils who are devils creating trouble. No police or army investigation proceeds further for the truth. The unfortunate incident has a permanent scapegoat and the case easily and immediately closed with the verdict that the Tamil rebels were responsible and the propaganda machine turns on.

A militaristic view of the confrontation as gained by the Government through its Ministry of Defence, a journalistic view as reporting the loss and destruction on both sides of the divide as well as the government propaganda to the world – all these will give the picture that an elected government is fighting the Tamil rebel or terrorist forces. That is a very narrow and lopsided view of the confrontation. The conflict has deep roots and during the last fifty years it has broadened out to become a genocidal war by the Sinhala Buddhist Fundamentalists against the Tamils.

2.1 It’s a War fuelled by Sinhala Buddhist Nationalist Fundamentalism
It is a war fuelled by the Sinhala Buddhist Nationalist Fundamentalism based on a Mahavamsa myth that the whole of Sri Lanka is their property and Sinhala Buddhists are the genuine citizens of the country. Large sections of the Buddhist clergy and politicians from both the major political parties subscribe to this view and have used it profitably to come to power. President Chandrika Kumaratunge, by her background education and marriage to Vijey Kumaratunge, took a different point of departure, but soon fell back to her parental style of politics. Though promising to solve the problem politically, she has intensified the war by more cruel means, using even food and medicine as weapons of war. She is now strongly supported by extremists for her militaristic moves against the Tamils.

The hidden agenda of those prosecuting the war, to occupy Tamil Homeland militarily, to destroy and rape not only women but the whole historic identity of our homeland, the arrogant attitude of the military to rule over the Tamils and the racist cries of the Sinhala Buddhist South are more than evident to show that this is not war between the military and the Tigers, as it appears on the surface and conveniently interpreted or understood by parties concerned both within Sri Lanka and other military powers fuelling this war.

It is the military phase of a deep-seated conflict between the rights of the Tamil people who want to survive as dignified human beings in their land of birth and the extreme ethno-religious fundamentalism of the majority Sinhala Buddhists and their politicians.

2.2 It is against the basic human rights of the Tamil people

It is war between a ethno-religious fundamentalism of the majority of Sinhalese Buddhists who deny the basic human rights of the Tamils in the land of their birth. This ethno-religious fundamentalism or Sinhala Buddhist Nationalism has a long history going back to colonial days. It was then portrayed as an anti-colonial movement when leaders like Anagarika Dharmapala, Migettuwatte Gunananda and Hikkaduwa Sumangala and later Rahula Walpola prompted by their opposition to colonialism and Christian Missionaries encouraged political engagement of the monks, even joined hands with Marxists parties in fighting for the rights of the people. After the colonial masters and the foreign missionaries left, there were still two other targets for them – the Tamils, who stood on their way to complete domination of Sri Lanka and the Sinhalese Christians who will by their Christian character advocate a multi-ethnic and even a multi-religious population in Sri Lanka. Even as late as 1996, the learned Rahula Walpola said in an interview that Sri Lanka was a Sinhala Buddhist country and that the Tamil problem should be dealt with by the military! Can such views accommodate a multiethnic or multireligious population?

Immediately after Independence in 1948, the hidden agenda of the Sinhala Buddhist Nationalism was espoused for political advantage and the anti-Tamil moves like state-aided colonisation of Tamil areas, discriminations through Sinhala-Only, Standardisation, accompanied by military and mob violence against the Tamils went ahead with the continued connivance of the Governments. The Tamil militancy was a tit for tat response after 30 years of suffering death and destruction.

The late leftist Sinhala leaders like Dr.N.M.Perera, and Mr. Leslie Gunawardene saw in their political wisdom, the dangers inherent in the Sinhala Buddhist Fundamentalist Nationalism for the whole country. They warned the then Parliament in clear terms (even today one can read those prophetic words in the Hansard of the 50s) of the dangers of this hidden plan by the Sinhala Buddhist Fundamentalists. They prophesied most of these horrendous events during the last 50 years including the anti-Christian attack by the fundamentalists.

Absolute nonsense! When and how did the Tamils become militant? Were they born as Tamil terrorists or is it the work of the majority Sinhala people and their government forcing them by their acts of prolonged state-terrorism to take up arms in defence of their land and people? Those who never condemned or called into question the acts of terrorism by the State have no right to condemn the acts of counter-terrorism.

The Sri Lankan Government is fooling itself, its people and trying to fool the whole world with terms like “war for peace” and “war against terrorism”. What were the Government and its military doing in Jaffna, even before any Tamil fired a shot at the forces? When did the militants appear on the scene of the conflict? Does the world expect the Tamils to come and sit in Satyagraha in Colombo as fodder before a racist mob?

We have in Sri Lanka a long history of State terrorism against innocent Tamil civilians and against democratic non-violent Tamil politicians. There were thousands of Tamils, killed, burnt alive and deceived without end before any counter-resistance

Labels like “war for peace“ and “war against Terrorism“ are chosen to avoid or minimise world criticism, to win financial and weapon-support for the war. The western powers having their own interests conveniently swallow these labels and justify their sale of weapons, financial aid and aid of personnel.

Calling this war as a war against Tamil terrorism is mere government Propaganda for getting aid for a genocide. The Sri Lankan Government tries to justify this war and its state-terrorism against the Tamils by harping on the Sinhala Buddhist Nationalism of the Mahavamsa that Tamils are enemies and dangerous to Sinhala Buddhist interests. Even killing them is not sinful!

Nelson Mandela and Archbishop Tutu have said that it is the oppressor who determines the nature of the struggle. When there was not a single Tamil militant and democratic and non-violent protests were held by the Tamils, how was it responded by the Sinhalese and their Governments? The British could understand to some extent the value and dignity of non-violent democratic protests. But the Sinhalese of 1956 killed hundreds of innocent Tamils, destroyed and looted their properties, burnt alive a Hindu priest in Panadura, threw politicians into Beira Lake. This was all done with the connivance of the then Government and even the silence of religious leaders. Against such a “permanently racist Sinhala democracy”, what could all those Tamil youth do. They have seen their parents burnt or raped, houses burnt, educational and employment opportunities denied. They were forced by the inhuman actions of the Government and its military to resort to the defence of their land and people.

Even after confronting counter Tamil terrorism, the State hopes to suppress it by military means. President Chandrika had vowed to do what J.R.Jayawardene and the likes also tried. The only answer to people’s rebellion against the State is to find a political solution to the conflict underlying the present war. A political solution can be found only through talks, not one-way imposition of the will of the government, but talks on the basis of mutual trust. Unfortunately that trust is gone because we Tamils have been repeatedly deceived and taken for a ride. And now we need a third party to guarantee any talks.

A Government that responds to democratic and non-violent protests with military force, a Government that descends so low as to bomb, burn and even deny food medicine to its population cannot be a democratic Government, cannot go on shielding itself by words like sovereignty . It has to be brought to its senses by the international community to stop the war and the violence and enter as a civilised and democratic institution to seek peace with justice.

The title of the book is taken from the Bible and non-Christians may not be familiar with that expression. But there is a popular song in English with the same title. Since I am a Christian I have found it easy and very relevant to express my feelings through a Bible story, namely, the story of liberation of Israel from the slavery in Egypt. God chose Moses to go before the Pharao and ask him to let his people (the Israelites) go from slavery to freedom. This is what the Tamils are asking the Sri Lankan Government. Enough is enough, of the hidden agenda of the majority and its government to subjugate the Tamils. Peaceful coexistence for many Sinhalese and few Tamils mean that the Tamils live on as second class citizens devoid of basic human rights and serving the interests only of the majority.

The Tamils have lived on this island of Sri Lanka with due dignity and honour for over 2000 years. The Sinhala Buddhists in their post-colonial surge of nationalism, have increased their claims over the whole island and presumed themselves to be the only true citizens of the island. To have dreams based on a Mahavamsa mythical history is their freedom and nostalgia, but not our fault. The Bristish Administration which brought the Tamil regions and the Sinhalese regions under one unified administration in 1833, knew how this extreme Sinhala Buddhist Nationalism was growing from the time of Anagarika Dharmapala to our present Rahula Walpola. And still they made the mistake of handing over a central administration to a permanently majority Sinhala democracy. They are entertaining nostalgic memories of a Sinhala King advised by the Buddhist clergy to rule the whole island. Let the south if they want opt for such an alternative to democracy. But leave the Tamils to survive in liberty in their own homeland.

The contents of the book is a collection of my appeals at the international conferences about the ethnic conflict to help find a just and peaceful solution beneficial to all who live in Sri Lanka.

As a student I had as colleagues and friends many Sinhalese, mostly Christians, at the Science Faculty of the Ceylon University then in Colombo. (1955-8) and at the Catholic Hostel then at Bambalapitiya. Later as a Professor at the National Seminary of Kandy (1973-86), I took part in educating hundreds of priests who happened to be Sinhalese. Here too I enjoyed the company of many good Sinhalese priests and students. I have never regretted my friendship with the Sinhalese nor can I harbour any anger against them.

My stance with regard to the ethnic problem has been based on my personal experience during the last fifty years, on the political developments and on the reading of history about the people and religions in Sri Lanka. It is not at all an anti-Sinhalese or anti-Buddhist stance. In every public utterance I make clear two points.

a)     I wish well for the Sinhalese and their unique form of Buddhism. I wish that they grow and flourish, but not at the expense of denying the rights of others or killing people perceived as enemies.

b) I do not wish anything more or special for my people than I wish for the Sinhalese and Buddhists. The Tamils are not asking for privileges but basic human rights. A federal form of government within which they could have enjoyed their autonomy was refused and spurned for over three decades. Now it is a cry for survival- leave us alone as a separate state! As I asked in an article in the Sunday Observer, Can’t we not live on one island as good neighbours and friends, instead of throttling one another?

As a Catholic priest, along with the whole church in Sri Lanka, I was hoping against hope, that a peaceful political solution in the form of a federal or regional autonomy could be soon found. I have expressed these concerns in the south even after the 1983 holocaust to many Bishops and brother priests. Some are unhappy about my stance, but for me silence is sinful and witnessing to the Truth is sacred. I will like my brother priests to speak out on this all important question. Today it’s the Tamils, tomorrow it’s the Sinhala Christians.

My fighting an ethno-religious nationalism that kills my people has nothing to do with my love and respect for the many Sinhalese I have come to know and appreciate. I am only sorry that Sinhalese youth and innocent village settlers have also been sacrificed for the fundamentalist stance of the majority and its Government. I am also sad that my Christian brethren among the Sinhalese, who have to face this ethno-religious fundamentalism sooner than later, are not taking a Christian stand against fundamentalism and injustice. They just condemn everything as terrorism and sit back on a complacent but hypocritical chair.

I have already written my experience of the 1995 exodus. It appeared in an issue of the Weekend newspaper in Colombo. After suffering months of displacement in Thenmaradchi and Wanni, people returned to their rightful homeland to have at least the minimum necessities of life. The Sinhala forces which occupied and hoisted the Sinhala flag over an empty Jaffna, needed subjects. Hence a warm welcome was given to the returnees. Even though their houses were badly damaged and looted, people were happy to be back in their homeland. But the Sinhala army with daily curfew, hundreds of checkpoints, daily arrests and disappearances, the situation changed. Within two months about 700 disappearing and most of them getting killed and buried in mass graves is not liberating Jaffna or its people. Raping so many young girls and raping the city of its building, historic monuments, war memorials and even vegetation – all these is not liberation of Jaffna.

How does Government come to the conclusion that the people prefer to live under their control? The people prefer to live in their own homeland and in their own houses. This “living under its control” connotes the prison character. In the LTTE controlled areas, there is shortage of food, medicine and bombing and shelling from the army. But in Jaffna, there are better facilities and goods available. There are people even some religious leaders who mistake comforts for freedom and dignity. They say buses are running, food is in plenty, so there is freedom. There are people who see the comforts within the prison and subject themselves even to illegal authorities in order to enjoy such comforts. They do not have any human dignity and they do not need liberation. There are also unfortunately some Tamil politicians who can be bought over to betray and misdirect people. A government that wants to subjugate a people finds these politicians very useful instruments.

But I think, the people of Jaffna as a whole know what they have gone through and are not at all happy about the presence of a foreign army in Jaffna. They cannot be satisfied by providing material goods. None of them in their senses can hope for liberation through a foreign army that has killed and buried the sons of the Jaffna soil.

The recent presidential elections bringing Chandrika back to power, this time without a big majority and without a big Tamil support, has pointed the horse on which she is riding to power. Personally she could be having hatred for her enemies who attempted to take her life, but if she wants to achieve a solution, she cannot listen to that horse only.

Arrogantly refusing any mediated talks and intensifying the military approach can only worsen the situation in the whole country. A second chance has been given to her by a mixture of sympathisers, extremists and war-generals. But she cannot proceed in the old direction. A radical change of course is needed. Will she succeed?

It is already fifty years since the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. And for the last fifty years we Tamils have suffered the denial of those human rights and consequently deaths and destruction, in short 50 years of slavery under the Sri Lanka Government.

While we are thankful to the UN and its structures for the protection of Human Rights, we know the limits and pressures within which they operate and take decisions. Sri Lanka has signed many of the UN treaties and sits comfortably as a democratic and sovereign state at the UN while oppressing its population and denying basic rights to citizens. Sri Lanka is only second to Iraq in the whole world with respect to the number of disappearances ! Under the cover of sovereignty, it rejects third party mediation. Under the cover of democracy, it works for a Sinhala Buddhist State by using its permanent Sinhala Buddhist majority in parliament. It can appoint so many Human Rights commissions and dissolve them with a stroke of a pen. There is much hypocrisy on the part of Sri Lanka to observing human rights